Consideration of the social status of transit user groups as something more than a marketing characteristic leads to discussion of the workability of certain basic transit planning goals and means. Distribution and mainteua. Hee of the quality of a resource (transportation) arc viewed nc functions of primary user group status, altruism, and power of the controlling agency. Race and sex are basic social status variables. Four user groups are examined-white and nonwhite males and females. Travel behavior and attitude data are presented from the 1960 and 1970 censuses for 11 cities and from a home-interview survey conducted in Trenton, New Jersey, in 1973 (N= 548). Census data show that increasing proportions of minorities use transit over the period of general decline of transit systems. Also shown is the high level of dependence on this declining-quality transit system by the lowest status users. The Trenton attitude and b~ havio1'data show that improvements in transit are likely to draw only low-status users and that their increasing presence might further discourage use by high-status travelers. Furthermore, only direct restrictions on automobile use are likely to turn high-status travelers to transit. The uncomfortable conclusion of this analysis of planning ends and means is that planning to provide a system primarily for those without alternatives or placing faith in being able to attract riders to transit by dealing only with transit system attributes is shortsighted. To be successful over the long term, a system must be substantially used by high-status groups who wiii probably not be users by choice.

• TWO assumptions are basic to current approaches to public transportation planning and policymaking. First, a transit system can both serve primarily those with no alternative means of transportation and maintain high-quality service. Second, improving the-quality oLa_t~ it. syste vill at. tr t W tr· u. rs aw~ y from their cars. As city after city has obtained control of public transit, the reason most often heard for acquiring and upgrading or replacing these failing systems is that those without alternatives cannot be left without transportation. The goal is a system that can survive, perhaps prosper, while serving primarily those without alternatives. Planners also recognize the need to increase ridership to improve the chances that the new or improved system will be self-supporting. Two policies might achieve this. First, car users could be attracted to transit by adjusting the relative quality of transit and the automobile. Second, alternatives to transit could be eliminated. This second policy is ordinarily rejected because of its probable political consequences. However, the assumption underlying the first policy alternative-that the relative quality of transit and the automobile accounts for the distribution of travelers in each-must be questioned. Questioning these assumptions requires developing a theory of the determinants of resource distribution.[Although sociologists have long been interested in resource distribution, and many classifications of resources exist, this is the first research that uses public-private and quality-quantity distinctions. Furthermore, the purpose of this paper is not-to fully support and develop the arguments presented (although-ample· support exists especially in the sociological literature that deals with health, education and welfare). Although some empirical support for our arguments is offered for the trans-